A response by Ana Tanasoca will be published in due course.
I borrow the term from Peter J. Spiro, Beyond Citizenship: American Identity after Globalization (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).
 Doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft in Deutschland: Zahlen und Fakten, Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (bpb) 2017, http://www.bpb.de/gesellschaft/migration/laenderprofile/254191/doppelte-staatsangehoerigkeit-zahlen-und-fakten
 For this idea of political autonomy see Habermas 1996, Chap III; for the idea of social membership see Carens 2013.
 It is a further question how this would be spelled out in a multi-level system and whether you could hold political rights on different levels. In any case, from a conceptual point of view the argument would be: if migrants are granted political rights e.g. on a local level they hold local citizenship.
 E.g. Germany allows citizens of an EU member state who naturalise in Germany to keep his/her citizenship of origin.
 Tanasoca alludes to this in her Table 6.1 (p. 132) – Citizenship-sine-political rights.
 This varies slightly by province.
 And furthermore, as Peter Spiro (2010) argues, individuals have a contingent right to dual citizenship.
 Brexit is a perfect example for instance where the population saw a different ‘big picture’.
 This is a slight variation from the Affected Interest or Legally Subjugated Principles. The United States is an example of this system: Spiro 2016, 108.
 And not necessarily more than an individual who holds only a citizenship from France.
 For instance in states with mandatory conscription and where dual taxation agreements do not exist.
 And further advance the inequality effects of eliminating dual citizenship that Spiro (2018) argues.
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