NOTES
[1]I borrow the term from Peter J. Spiro, Beyond Citizenship: American Identity after Globalization (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008).
[2] Doppelte Staatsbürgerschaft in Deutschland: Zahlen und Fakten, Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (bpb) 2017, http://www.bpb.de/gesellschaft/migration/laenderprofile/254191/doppelte-staatsangehoerigkeit-zahlen-und-fakten
[3] For this idea of political autonomy see Habermas 1996, Chap III; for the idea of social membership see Carens 2013.
[4] It is a further question how this would be spelled out in a multi-level system and whether you could hold political rights on different levels. In any case, from a conceptual point of view the argument would be: if migrants are granted political rights e.g. on a local level they hold local citizenship.
[5] E.g. Germany allows citizens of an EU member state who naturalise in Germany to keep his/her citizenship of origin.
[6] Tanasoca alludes to this in her Table 6.1 (p. 132) – Citizenship-sine-political rights.
[7] This varies slightly by province.
[8] And furthermore, as Peter Spiro (2010) argues, individuals have a contingent right to dual citizenship.
[9] Brexit is a perfect example for instance where the population saw a different ‘big picture’.
[10] This is a slight variation from the Affected Interest or Legally Subjugated Principles. The United States is an example of this system: Spiro 2016, 108.
[11] And not necessarily more than an individual who holds only a citizenship from France.
[12] For instance in states with mandatory conscription and where dual taxation agreements do not exist.
[13] And further advance the inequality effects of eliminating dual citizenship that Spiro (2018) argues.
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